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He checked the impatient motion that Falk made.
‘I know that Falk would say,’ he went on smoothly, ‘that what I’m saying is outside the bargain; when I fixed up the Guild, I gave my ’davy that there wouldn’t be any parson talk or Come All-ye-Faithful singing. Everybody knows that being on the crook’s a mug’s game, and I don’t want to rub it in. What I’ve always said and done is in the direction of making you fellows earn bigger money at your own trade.
‘There’s a man who writes about the army who’s been trying to induce soldiers to learn trades, and he started right by making the Tommies dissatisfied with their own trade; and that is what I am trying to do. What did I do with young Isaacs? I didn’t preach at him, and I didn’t pray over him. Ike was one of the finest snide merchants in London. He used to turn out half crowns made from pewter pots that defied detection. They rang true, and they didn’t bend. Ike got three years, and when he came out, I found him a job. Did I try to make him a woodchopper, or a Salvation Army ploughboy? No. He’d have been back on the crook in a week if I had. I got a firm of medal makers in Birmingham to take him, and when Ike found himself among plaster moulds and electric baths, and discovered he could work at his own trade honestly, he stuck to it.’
‘We ain’t snide merchants,’ growled Falk discontentedly.
‘It’s the same with all branches,’ Jessen went on, ‘only you chaps don’t know it. Take tale-pitching—’
It would not be fair to follow Jessen through the elaborate disquisition by which he proved to the satisfaction of his audience that the ‘confidence’ man was a born commercial traveller. Many of his arguments were as unsound as they could well be; he ignored first principles and glossed over what seemed to such a clear-headed hearer as Charles to be insuperable obstacles in the scheme of regeneration. But his audience was convinced. The fringe of men round the fire was reinforced as he continued. Men came into the room singly, and in twos and threes, and added themselves to the group at the fire. The news had spread that Jessen was talking—they called him ‘Mr. Long,’ by the way—and some of the newcomers arrived breathlessly, as though they had run in order that no part of the address should be missed.
That the advocate of discontent had succeeded in installing into the minds of his hearers that unrest and dissatisfaction, which he held to be the basis of a new moral code, was certain. For every face bore the stamp of introspective doubt.
Interesting as it all was, Charles Garrett had not lost sight of the object of his visit, and he fidgeted a little as the speaker proceeded.
Immediately on entering the room, he had grasped the exact relationship in which Jessen stood to his pupils. Jessen, he knew, could put no direct question as to their knowledge of the Four Just Men without raising a feeling of suspicion, which would have been fatal to the success of the mission and indeed would have imperilled the very existence of the ‘Guild’.
It was when Jessen had finished speaking, and had answered a dozen questions fired simultaneously from a dozen quarters, and had answered the questions that had arisen out of these queries, that an opening came from an unexpected quarter.
For, with the serious business of the meeting disposed of, the questions took the inevitable facetious turn.
‘What trade would you give the Four Just Men?’ asked Falk flippantly, and there was a little rumble of laughter.
The journalist’s eyes met the reformer’s for one second, and through the minds of both men flashed the answer. Jessen’s mouth twitched a little, and his restless hands were even more agitated as he replied slowly:
‘If anybody can tell me exactly what the Four Just Men—what their particular line of business is, I could reply to that.’
It was the old man sipping his gin in silence who spoke for the first time.
‘D’ye remember Billy Marks?’ he asked.
His voice was harsh, as is that of a man who uses his voice at rare intervals.
‘Billy Marks is dead,’ he continued, ‘deader than a door-nail. He knew the Four Just Men; pinched the watch an’ the notebook of one an’ nearly pinched them.’
There was a man who sat next to Falk who had been regarding Charles with furtive attention.
Now he turned to Jessen and spoke to the point. ‘Don’t get any idea in your head that the likes of us will ever have anything to do with the Four,’ he said. ‘Why, Mr. Long,’ he went on, ‘the Four Just Men are as likely to come to you as to us; bein’ as you are a government official, it’s very likely indeed.’
Again Jessen and Charles exchanged a swift glance, and in the eyes of the journalist was a strange light.
Suppose they came to Jessen! It was not unlikely. Once before, in pursuing their vengeance in a South American State, they had come to such a man as Jessen. It was a thought, and one worth following.
Turning the possibilities over in his mind, Charles stood deep in thought as Jessen, still speaking, was helped into his overcoat by one of the men.
Then, as they left the hall together, passing the custodian of the place at the foot of the stairs, the journalist turned to his companion.
‘Should they come to you—?’
Jessen shook his head.
‘That is unlikely,’ he said; ‘they hardly require outside help.’
They walked the rest of the way in silence.
Charles shook hands at the door of Jessen’s house.
‘If by any chance they should come—’ he said.
Jessen laughed.
‘I will let you know,’ he said a little ironically.
Then he entered his house, and Charles heard again the snap of the lock as the strange man closed the door behind him.
Within twenty-four hours, the newspapers recorded the mysterious disappearance of a Mr. J. Long of Presley Street. Such a disappearance would have been without interest but for a note that was found on his table. It ran:
Mr. Long being necessary for our purpose, we have taken him.
THE FOUR JUST MEN
That the affair had connection with the Four was sufficient to give it an extraordinary news value. That the press was confounded goes without saying. For Mr. Long was a fairly unimportant man with some self-education and a craze for reforming the criminal classes. But the Home Office, which knew Mr. Long as ‘Mr. Jessen’, was greatly perturbed, and the genius of Scotland Yard was employed to discover his whereabouts.
CHAPTER IV.
The Red Bean
THE INNER COUNCIL SENT OUT an urgent call to the men who administer the affairs of the Red Hundred.
Starque came, Francois, the Frenchman, came, Hollom, the Italian, Paul Mirtisky, George Grabe, the American, and Lauder Bartholomew, the ex-captain of Irregular Cavalry, came also. Bartholomew was the best dressed of the men who gathered about the green table in Greek Street, for he had held the King’s commission, which is of itself a sartorial education. People who met him vaguely remembered his name and frowned. They had a dim idea that there was ‘something against him’ but were not quite sure what it was. It had to do with the South African War and a surrender—not an ordinary surrender, but an arrangement with the enemy on a cash basis, and the transference of stores. There was a court martial, and a cashiering, and afterward Bartholomew came to England and bombarded first the War Office and then the press with a sheaf of typewritten grievances. Afterward he went into the theatrical line of business and appeared in music-hall sketches as ‘Captain Lauder Bartholomew—the Hero of Dopfontein’.
There were other chapters that made good reading, for he figured in a divorce case, ran a society newspaper, owned a few selling platers, and achieved the distinction of appearing in the Racing Calendar in a paragraph that solemnly and officially forbade his presence on Newmarket Heath.
That he should figure on the Inner Council of the Red Hundred is remarkable only insofar as it demonstrates how much out of touch with British sentiments and conditions is the average continental politician. For Bartholomew’s secret application to be enrolle
d a member of the Red Hundred had been received with acclamation, and his promotion to the Inner Council had been rapid. Was he not an English officer—an aristocrat? A member of the most exclusive circle of English society? Thus argued the Red Hundred, to whom a subaltern in a scallywag corps did not differ perceptibly from a Commander of the Household Cavalry.
Bartholomew lied his way to the circle because he found, as he had all along suspected, that there was a strong business end to terrorism. There were grants for secret service work, and with his fertile imagination, it was not difficult to find excuses and reasons for approaching the financial executive of the Red Hundred at frequent intervals. He claimed intimacy with royal personages. He not only stated as a fact that he was in their confidence, but he suggested family ties, which reflected little credit upon his progenitors.
The Red Hundred was a paying speculation; membership of the Inner Council was handsomely profitable. He had drawn a bow at a venture when under distress—literally it was a distress warrant issued at the instance of an importunate landlord—he had indited a letter to a revolutionary, offering to act as London agent for an organization that was then known as The Friends of the People, but which has since been absorbed into the body corporate of the Red Hundred. It is necessary to deal fully with the antecedents of this man because he played a part in the events that are chronicled in the Council of Justice, which had effects further reaching than Bartholomew, the mercenary of anarchism, could in his wildest moments have imagined.
He was one of the seven who gathered in the dingy drawing room of a Greek Street boarding house, and it was worthy of note that five of his fellows greeted him with a deference amounting to humility. The exception was Starque, who, arriving late, found an admiring circle hanging upon the words of this young man with the shifty eyes, and he frowned his displeasure.
Bartholomew looked up as Starque entered and nodded carelessly.
Starque took his place at the head of the table and motioned impatiently to the others to be seated. One, whose duty it was, rose from his chair and locked the door. The windows were shuttered, but he inspected the fastenings; then, taking from his pocket two packs of cards, he scattered them in a confused heap upon the table. Every man produced a handful of money and placed it before him.
Starque was an ingenious man and had learnt many things in Russia. Men who gather round a green baize-covered table with locked doors are apt to be dealt with summarily if no adequate excuse for their presence is evident, and it is more satisfactory to be fined a hundred roubles for gambling than to be dragged off at a moment’s notice to an indefinite period of labour in the mines on suspicion of being concerned in a revolutionary plot.
Starque now initiated the business of the evening. If the truth be told, there was little in the earlier proceedings that differed from the procedure of the typical committee.
There were monies to be voted. Bartholomew needed supplies for a trip to Paris, where, as the guest of an Illustrious Personage, he hoped to secure information of vital importance to the Hundred.
‘This is the fourth vote in two months, comrade,’ said Starque testily, ‘last time it was for information from your Foreign Office, which proved to be inaccurate.’
Bartholomew shrugged his shoulders with an assumption of carelessness.
‘If you doubt the wisdom of voting the money, let it pass,’ he said; ‘my men fly high—I am not bribing policemen or sous-officiers of diplomacy.’
‘It is not a question of money,’ said Starque sullenly, ‘it is a question of results. Money we have in plenty, but the success of our glorious demonstration depends upon the reliability of our information.’
The vote was passed, and with its passing came a grim element into the council.
Starque leant forward and lowered his voice.
‘There are matters that need your immediate attention,’ he said. He took a paper from his pocket and smoothed it open in front of him. ‘We have been so long inactive that the tyrants to whom the name of Red Hundred is full of terror have come to regard themselves as immune from danger. Yet,’ his voice sank lower, ‘yet we are on the eve of the greatest of our achievements, when the oppressors of the people shall be moved at one blow! And we will strike a blow at kingship as shall be remembered in the history of the world aye, when the victories of Caesar and Alexander are forgotten and when the scenes of our acts are overlaid with the dust and debris of a thousand years. But that great day is not yet—first we must remove the lesser men that the blow may fall surer; first the servant, then the master.’ He stabbed the list before him with a thick forefinger.
‘Fritz von Hedlitz,’ he read, ‘Chancellor to the Duchy of Hamburg-Altoona.’
He looked round the board and smiled.
‘A man of some initiative, comrades—he foiled our attempt on his master with some cunning—do I interpret your desire when I say—death?’
‘Death!’
It was a low murmured chorus.
Bartholomew, renegade and adventurer, said it mechanically. It was nothing to him a brave gentleman should die for no other reason than that he had served his master faithfully.
‘Marquis de Santo-Strato, private secretary to the Prince of the Escorial,’ read Starque.
‘Death!’ Again the murmured sentence.
One by one, Starque read the names, stopping now and again to emphasize some enormity of the man under review.
‘Here is Hendrik Houssmann,’ he said, tapping the paper, ‘of the Berlin Secret Police: an interfering man and a dangerous one. He has already secured the arrest and punishment of one of our comrades.’
‘Death,’ murmured the council mechanically.
The list took half an hour to dispose of.
‘There is another matter,’ said Starque.
The council moved uneasily, for that other matter was uppermost in every mind.
‘By some means, we have been betrayed,’ the chairman went on, and his voice lacked that confidence that characterized his earlier speech; ‘there is an organization—an organization of reaction—which has set itself to thwart us. That organization has discovered our identity.’ He paused a little.
‘This morning, I received a letter which named me president of the Inner Council and threatened me.’ Again he hesitated.
‘It was signed “The Four Just Men”.’
His statement was received in dead silence—a silence that perplexed him, for his compensation for the shock he had received had been the anticipation of the sensation his announcement would make.
He was soon enlightened as to the cause of the silence.
‘I also have received a letter,’ said Francois quietly.
‘And I.’
‘And I.’
‘And I.’
Only Bartholomew did not speak, and he felt the unspoken accusation of the others.
‘I have received no letter,’ he said with an easy laugh—‘only these.’ He fumbled in his waistcoat pocket and produced two beans. There was nothing peculiar in these, save one was a natural black and the other had been dyed red.
‘What do they mean?’ demanded Starque suspiciously.
‘I have not the slightest idea,’ said Bartholomew with a contemptuous smile; ‘they came in a little box, such as jewellery is sent in, and were unaccompanied either by letter or anything of the kind. These mysterious messages do not greatly alarm me.’
‘But what does it mean?’ persisted Starque, and every neck was craned toward the seeds; ‘they must have some significance—think.’
Bartholomew yawned.
‘So far as I know, they are beyond explanation,’ he said carelessly; ‘neither red nor black beans have played any conspicuous part in my life, so far as I—’
He stopped short, and they saw a wave of colour rush to his face, then die away, leaving it deadly pale.
‘Well?’ demanded Starque; there was a menace in the question.
‘Let me see,’ faltered Bartholomew, and he took up the red
bean with a hand that shook.
He turned it over and over in his hand, calling up his reserve of strength.
He could not explain, that much he realized.
The explanation might have been possible had he realized earlier the purport of the message he had received, but now with six pairs of suspicious eyes turned upon him and with his confusion duly noted, his hesitation would tell against him.
He had to invent a story that would pass muster.
‘Years ago,’ he began, holding his voice steady, ‘I was a member of such an organization as this: and—and there was a traitor.’ The story was plain to him now, and he recovered his balance. ‘The traitor was discovered, and we balloted for his life. There was an equal number for death and immunity, and I as president had to give the casting vote. A red bean was for life and a black for death—and I cast my vote for the man’s death.’
He saw the impression his invention had created and elaborated the story. Starque, holding the red bean in his hand, examined it carefully.
‘I have reason to think that by my action I made many enemies, one of whom probably sent this reminder.’ He breathed an inward sigh of relief as he saw the clouds of doubt lifting from the faces about him. Then—
‘And the £1,000?’ asked Starque quietly.
Nobody saw Bartholomew bite his lip because his hand was caressing his soft black moustache. What they all observed was the well simulated surprise expressed in the lift of his eyebrows.
‘The thousand pounds?’ he said, puzzled, then he laughed. ‘Oh, I see you, too, have heard the story—we found the traitor had accepted that sum to betray us—and this we confiscated for the benefit of the Society—and rightly so,’ he added indignantly.
The murmur of approbation relieved him of any fear as to the result of his explanation. Even Starque smiled.
‘I did not know the story,’ he said, ‘but I did see the “£1,000,” which had been scratched on the side of the red bean; but this brings us no nearer to the solution of the mystery. Who has betrayed us to the Four Just Men?’
There came, as he spoke, a gentle tapping on the door of the room. Francois, who sat at the president’s right hand, rose stealthily and tiptoed to the door.